A Relation of the second Uoyage to Guiana.

Perfourmed and written in the yeare 1596.

By Lawrence Kemys, Gent.

1596.

AMORE ET VIRTVTE

TO THE APPROOVED, right valorous, and woorthy Knight, Sir Walter Ralegh, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, Captaine of her Maiesties Guard and her Highnesse Lieutenant general of the Countie of Cornwall.

I Haue heere brieflie set downe the effect of this your second Discouerie, without anie enlargement of made wordes: for in this argument, single speech best besemeth a simple truth. Where the affinity of the matter with your person, leadeth me to write of your selfe, vnto your selfe: that small libertie which I haue therein vsed, shall, I doubt not, without offence, or sinister construction, be giuen to the cause in hand: which whether it suffer not detriment, by attributing lesse, then of right belongeth: the iudgement be theirs, that vprightly and indifferentlie shall weigh the consequentes of their euill purpose, who in seeking to detract from the Authour of these Discoueries, do so much as in them lyeth, wound, deface, and treade vnder foot the thing it selfe. But this is no noueltie, nor proper only to these our dayes. For long since it hath bene said[1]. Laudes eo vsque sunt tolerabiles, donec ea dicuntur, quae auditores se quoque facere posse existimant: si maiora proferantur: Inuident, non credunt. The feruent zeale and loyaltie of your mind in labour with this birth of so honourable expectation, as it hath deserued a recompence farre different so needeth it not my poore suffrage to endeare the toyle, care, and daunger, that you haue willinglie vndergone for the good and aduauncement of our weale publique. The praise-worthines therof doth approoue it selfe, & is better read in your liuing doinges, then in my dead vnregarded papers. All that I can wish, is that my life were a sufficient pledge, to iustifie, how much more easie, and more material, the course for the Guiana wold be the others: which requiring greater charge, yeeld not so large benefit, and are subiect to more doubtful euents. If vnto their wisdoms, who sit in place and authoritie, it shal appeare otherwise, and that in following of other attempts there is lesse difficultie, certainer profit, & needfuller offence vnto the enemie: the cost and trauaile, which you haue bestowed, shall not, I hope, bee altogether lost: if vnto your Honour, I can well prooue, how, and where the amendes is to be had, maugre the force and preuention of all Spaniardes.
Your Lordships to be commanded in all seruice: Law: Kemys.

To the Fauourers of the Voyage for Guiana.

IN thinges earnestly desired, though neuer so likelie, we are still suspicious: thinking it more credite to our common wisdome, to discredit most noble and profitable indeuours with distrust; then touch to our valures and safeties to lie wilfullie idle. So that howsoeuer an action well and iudiciallie attempted, be esteemed halfe performed: yet, is this my iealous conceipt concerning the Guiana, that nothing is begun, before all be ended. In this regarde (gentle Reader) I haue presumed to burthen thine eares, with the weake plea of a good cause, and in steede of opening it throughlie, to thy prudent consideration, to note onlie mine own vnsatisfied affection: hoping that because I do name the Guiana vnto thee, thou wilt vouchsafe, hoc nomine, to vaile and couer all other my defectes in the deserte of a good meaning. In publishing this treatise, my labour principallie tendeth to this end: to remooue all fig-leaues from our vnbeleefe; that either it may haue cause to shake off the colourable pretences of ignorance: or, if we will not be perswaded; that our selfe-wil may rest inexcusable. They that shall applie, and construe this my doing, to serue the Spaniard his turne so well as our owne; in so much as it may seeme to instruct, warne, and arme him: for their satisfaction heerein, they must not be ignorant, that his eyes in seeing our shipping there, doe as effectuallie informe him, that manie of our heartes are toward that place: as if it should bee crediblie aduertised, by some corrupt hireling that we thinke, write and discourse of nothing els. Neither can I imagine, that to conceale our knowledge herein (which to conceale may perhaps prooue, and bee hereafter taken for worse then paricide) would be of better purpose, then to hoodwincke our selues, as who would say, no man shall see vs. Besides:

if the action were whollie to bee effected at her Maiesties charge: then might it at her Highneesse pleasure[2], be shadowed with some other drift, and neuer bee discouered, vntill it were acted: But since it craueth the approbation and purses of manie Aduenturers: who cannot be so prodigall, both of their possessions and liues as voluntarily to run themselues out of breath, in pursuing they knowe not what: great reason it is, that where assistance is to be asked, due causes bee yeelded, to perswade & induce them vnto it. The Spaniard is not so simple, vnsetled, and vncertaine in his determinations; as to build them on our breath, or to make our papers his Bulwarkes; nor so slowe, as to expect a president of our forwardnesse. His proceedings are sufficientlie strengthened with the trauailes, reportes, and substanciall proofs of his own men, that haue aboue 60. yeares beaten round about this bush. And, to say a truth, the expedition that he hath vsed, in sending so manie ships in Februarie last, to people this countrey, and disappoint vs: as it doth consequentlie shew, that he findeth his chiefest force and sinewes to consist in golde: so doth he thereby plainly to our faces exprobate our remissnesse and long deliberations, that in twelue monethes space haue done, or sought to doe nothing woorthie the ancient fame, and reputation of our English nation, interressed in so waightie businesse[3]. His late prouision of a new supplie of whole familes to the number of sixe hundred persons, bound for Guiana, but that it pleased God, that by meanes of that right honourable seruice most resolutelie performed in the sea-fight, and sacking of Cades, the ships, wherein they should haue beene conueyed, were conuerted into ashes: what might it signifie? Certes, as it doth euidentlie prooue, that El Dorado hath vndoubted credite and account in their iudgements: so pointeth it at vs, whilest we onlie to entertaine idle time, sit listening for Guiana newes, and instantlie forget it, as if it were nought els, but a pleasing dreame of a golden fancie.

If we with our selues shall expostulate, how this commeth to passe that the aduantage wholie resting on our side, in respect that Berrec was this last yeare beaten out, the country throughlie discouered and the Inhabitantes made desirous of her sacred Maiesties happie gouernment; they notwithstanding by entring before vs: haue nowe gotten the start of vs: what may we thinke? shall wee iudge that their natiue country is lesse deare, or more wearisome vnto them, then ours is vnto vs? Their Peruleri who going bare and emptie out of Spaine, do againe within three or foure years returne from Peru, rich and in good estate, do apparantlie disprooue all such conceipts of them.[4] Shall we say that they haue more spare men to be imployed in such actions? It is no secrete to know the contrarie. Are they subiect to penurie? In all partes of Christendome, where money is not scant, all other things are plentifull. Or is their land not able to sustain their numbers of people? They buy many slaues to follow their husbandrie, and themselues disdaining base idlenesse, and beggerie, do all honour militarie profession, highlie esteeming it, in their mercenaries and strangers. Is it then want of abilitie, in those that are willing? lacke of incouragement. Or default of speedie order and direction for those that doe voluntarile offer themselues, their substance, and best indeuour to further this cause; that maketh vs to be thus coated by the Spaniard? The first is no question. The latter needeth no answere. The profit then by their example to be gathered, is, not to loose opportunitie by delay, or to seeme fearfull and dismayed, where there is no cause of doubt. For as yet their post hast doth no way preiudice our aduised leysure in setting forward, since their preparations of Negroes to worke in the mynes, their horses, cattel, and other necessaries, may, (by the fauour of God) at our first comming, both store vs with quantities of gold oare, and ease vs of much trouble, paines, and trauaile. If we should suppose our selues now to liue in the dayes of King.

Henrie the seuenth of famous memorie and the strange report of a West Indies, or new world abounding with great treasure should entice vs to beleeue it: perhaps it might be imputed for some blame to the grauitie of wise men, lightly to be carried with the perswasion and hope of a new found Vtopia, by such a one as Columbus was being an alien and manie wayes subiect to suspition. But since the penance of that incredulity lyeth euen now heauie on out shoulders; the example forethreatning. I know not what; repentance: and that we haue the personall triall of so honorable and sufficient a Reporter, our owne Countriman: let it bee farre from vs to condemne our selues in that, which so worthilie we reprooue in our predecessors; and to let our idle knowledge content it selfe with naked contemplation like a barren womb in a Monasterie. We cannot denie that the chiefe commendation of vertue doth consist in action: we truly say that Otium is animae viuae sepultura: we beleeue, that perfect wisdome in this mobility of al humain affaires refuseth not with anie price to purchase safetie: and wee iustlie doe acknowledge that the Castilians from barelegged mounteyners haue attained to their greatnesse, by labour and industrie: To sleep then, because it costeth nothing, to imbrace the present time, because it flattereth vs with deceitfull contentment, & to kisse securitie saying what euill happeneth vnto vs? is the plaine high-way to a fearfull downefall: from which the Lord in his mercie deliuer vs, and giue vs an vnderstanding heart, in time to see, and to seeke that, which belongeth vnto our peace.

 

De Guiana, carmen Epicum.
VVHat worke of honour and eternall name,
For all the worlde t’enuie and vs t’atchieue,
Filles me with furie, and giues armed handes
To my heartes peace, that els would gladlie turne
My limmes and euery sence into my thoughtes
Rapt with the thirsted action of my mind?
O Clio, Honors Muse, sing in my voyce,
Tell the attempt, and prophecie th’exploit
Of his Eliza-consecrated sworde,
That in this peacefull charme of Englands sleepe,
Opens most tenderlie her aged throte,
Offring to poure fresh youth through all her vaines,
That flesh of brasse, and ribs of steele retaines.

Riches, and Conquest, and Renowme I sing, [5]
Riches with honour, Conquest without bloud,
Enough to seat the Monarchie of earth,
Like to Ioues Eagle, on Elizas hand.
Guiana, whose rich feet are mines of golde,
Whose forehead knockes against the roofe of Starres,
Stands on her tip-toes at faire England looking,
Kissing her hand, bowing her mightie breast,
And euery signe of all submission making,
To be her sister, and the daughter both
Of our most sacred Maide: whose barrennesse
Is the true fruite of vertue, that may get,
Beare and bring foorth anew in all perfection,
What heretofore sauage corruption held
In barbarous Chaos; and in this affaire
Become her father, mother, and her heire.

Then most admired Soueraigne, let your breath
Goe foorth vpon the waters, and create
A golden worlde in this our yron age,
And be the prosperous forewind to a Fleet,
That seconding your last, may goe before it
In all successe of profite and renowme:
Doubt not but your election was diuine,
(Aswell by Fate as your high iudgement ordred)
To raise him with choise Bounties, that could adde
Height to his height; and like a liberall vine,
Not onelie beare his vertuous fruit aloft,
Free from the Presse of squint-eyd Enuies feet,
But decke his gracious Proppe with golden bunches,
And shroude it with broad leaues of Rule oregrowne
From all blacke tempestes of inuasion.

Those Conquests that like generall earthquakes shooke
The solid world, and made it fall before them,
Built all their braue attemptes on weaker groundes,
And lesse persuasiue likelihoods then this;
Nor was there euer princelie Fount so long
Powr’d foorth a sea of Rule with so free course,
And such ascending Maiestie as you:
Then be not like a rough and violent wind,
That in the morning rends the Forrestes downe,
Shoues vp the seas to heauen, makes earth to tremble,
And toombes his wastfull brauerie in the Euen:
But as a riuer from a mountaine running,
The further he extends, the greater growes,
And by his thriftie race strengthens his streame,
Euen to ioyne battale with th’imperious sea
Disdaining his repulse, and in despight
Of his proud furie, mixeth with his maine,
Taking on him his titles and commandes:
So let thy soueraigne Empire be encreast,
And with Iberian Neptune part the stake,
Whose Trident he the triple worlde would make.

You then that would be wise in Wisdomes spight,
Directing with discredite of direction,
And hunt for honour, hunting him to death.
With whome before you will inherite gold,
You will loose golde, for which you loose your soules;
You that choose nought for right, but certaintie,
And feare that value will get onlie blowes,
Placing your faith in Incredulitie.
Sit till you see a woonder, Vertue rich:
Till Honour hauing golde, rob golde of honour,
Till as men hate desert that getteth nought,
They loath all getting that deserues not ought;
And vse you gold-made men, as dregges of men;
And till your poysoned soules, like Spiders lurking
In sluttish chinckes, in mystes of Cobwebs hide
Your foggie bodies, and your dunghill pride.

O Incredulitie, the wit of Fooles,
That slouenlie will spit on all thinges faire,
The Cowards castle and the Sluggards cradle
How easie t’is to be an Infidell?

But you Patrician Spirites that refine
Your flesh to fire, and issue like a flame
On braue indeuours, knowing that in them
The t act of heauen in morne-like glorie opens,
That know you cannot be the Kinges of earth,
(Claiming the Rightes of your creation)
And let the Mynes of earth be Kinges of you;
That are so farre from doubting likelie driftes,
That in things hardest y’are most confident.
You that know death liues, where power liues vnusde,
Ioying to shine in vvaues that burie you,
And so make vvay for life euen through your graues;
That vvill not be content like horse to hold

 

A thread-bare beaten vvaie to home affaires:
But where the sea in enuie of your raigne,
Closeth her vvombe, as fast as tis disclosde,
That she like Auarice might swallowe all,
And let none find right passage through her rage:
There your wise soules as swift as Eurus lead
Your Bodies through, to profit and renowne,
And skorne to let your bodies chooke your soules,
In the rude breath and prisoned life of beastes:
You that heerein renounce the course of earth,
And lift your eies for guidance to the starres,
That liue not for your selues, but to possesse
Your honour’d countrey of a generall store;
In pitie of the spoyle rude selfe-loue makes,
Of them vvhose liues and yours one aire doth feede,
One soile doeth nourish, and one strength combine;
You that are blest vvith sence of all things noble
In this attempt your compleat vvoorthes redouble.

But how is Nature at her heart corrupted,
(  euen in her most ennobled birth?)
How in excesse of Sence is Sence bereft her?
That her most lightening-like effectes of lust
Wound through her flesh, her soule, her flesh vnwounded;
And she must neede incitements to her good,
Euen from that part she hurtes. O how most like
Art thou (heroike Author of this Act)
To this wrong’d soule of Nature that sustainst
Paine, charge, and perill for thy countreys good,
And she much like a bodie numb’d vvith surfets,
Feeles not thy gentle applications
For the health, vse, & honor of her powers.
Yet shall my verse through all her ease-lockt eares
Trumpet the Noblesse of thy high intent,
And if it cannot into act proceed,

The fault and bitter pennance of the fault
Make red some others eyes with penitence,
For thine are cleare; and what more nimble spirites
Apter to byte at such vnhooked baytes,
Gaine by our losse; that must we needs confesse
Thy princelie valure would haue purchast vs.
Which shall be fame eternall to thy name,
Though thy contentment in thy graue desires,
Of our aduancement, faile deseru’d effect,
O how I feare thy glorie which I loue,
Least it should dearelie growe by our decrease.
Natures that stick in golden-graueld springs,
In mucke-pits cannot scape their swallowings.

But we shall foorth I know; Golde is our Fate,
Which all our actes doeth fashion and create.

Then in the Thespiads bright Propheticke Fount,
Me thinkes I see our Liege rise from her throne,
Her eares and thoughtes in steepe amaze erected,
At the most rare endeuour of her power.
And now she blesseth with her woonted Graces
Th’industrious Knight, the soule of this exploit,
Dismissing him to conuoy of his starres.
And now for loue and honour of his woorth,
Our twise-borne Nobles bring him Bridegroome-like,
That is espousde for vertue to his loue
With feastes and musicke, rauishing the aire,
To his Argolian Fleet, where round about
His bating Colours English valure swarmes
In haste, as if Guianian Orenoque
With his Fell waters fell vpon our shore.
And now a wind as forward as their spirits,
Sets their glad feet on smooth Guianas breast,
Where (as if ech man were an Orpheus)

A world of Sauadges fall came before them,
Storing their theft-free treasuries with golde,
And there doth plentie crowne their wealthie fieldes,
There Learning eates no more his thriftlesse books,
Nor Valure Estridge-like his yron armes.
There Beautie is no strumpet for her wantes,
Nor Gallique humours putrifie her bloud:
But all our Youth take Hymens lightes in hand,
And fill each roofe with honor’d progenie.
There makes Societie Adamantine chaines,
And ioins their harts with wealth, who wealth disioyn’d.
There healthfull Recreations strowe their meades,
And make their mansions daunce with neighborhood,
That here were drown’d in churlish Auarice.
And there do Pallaces and temples rise
Out of the earth, and kisse th’enamored skies,
Where new Britania, humblie kneeles to heauen,
The world to her, and both at her blest feete,
In whom the Circles of all Empire meet.

G C.

Ad Thomam Hariotum Matheseos, & vniuersae Philosophiae peritissimum, de Guiana Carmen.

Dat. Anno. 1595.

MOntibus est Regio, quasimuris, obsita, multis:
Circumsaepit aquis quos Raleana suis.
Intus habet largos Guaiana beata recessus:
hostili gestans libera colla […]go.
Hispanus cliuis illis sudauit, & alsit
septem annos, nouies: nec tamen inualuit.
(Numen, & omen inest numeris. Fatale sit […]i:
Et nobis vertus sit recidiua, precor)
Gualtero, patefacta via est duce & auspice Ralegh
Mense vno: ô factum hoc nomine quo celebrem?
Noctè die{que}, datis velis, remis{que} laborans,
Exegit summae dexteritatis opus.
Scilicet expensis magnis non ille pepercit,
Communi natus consuluisse bono.
Prouidus excubuit simili discrimine Ioseph:
Sic fratres, fratrem deseruêre suum:
Fama coloratam designet si bona, vestem:
Vestis scissa malis sic fuit illa modis.
Mira leges. Auresque animumque tuum arrige. Tellus
Haec aurum, & gemmas graminis instar, habet.
V’er ibi perpetuum est: ibi prodiga terra quotannis
Luxuriat, sola fertilitate nocens.
Anglia nostra licer diues sit, & vndique foelix:
Anglia, si confers, indiga frugis erit.
Expertes capitum, volucres, pisces{que} feras{que}
Praetereo: haud prosunt, quae nouitate, placent.
Est ibi, vel nusquam, quod quaerimus. Ergo petamus:
Det Deus, hanc Canaan possideamus. Amen.
Tui Amantiss. L. K.

The second Uoyage to Guiana.

MVnday, the 26. of Ianuary, in the yeer of our Lord 1595 we departed from Portland road, in the Darling of London, hauing in company the Discouerer, a smal Pynnace, whome wee lost at sea, in foule weather, the Thursday night next following. Fryday, the 13. of Februarie, we fell with the Canarie Ilands, where we expected our pynnace, according to our appointment, seuen or eight dayes. Here we tooke two boats, the one a passenger, we bulged, the other wee towed at our ship sterne, steering south south west for the Ilandes of Gap. de Verd. There hence we set saile the 28. of Februarie, keeping a west south west course. In this passage we found verie smooth seas, faire weather, & steddie winds, blowing ordinarilie between the East, and North east pointes. Neere 300. leagues from these Ilands, we came into a growne sea, the swollen waters making a strange noise and hurtling together, as if it might be two strong currentes encountring each other. The 12. of March we sounded, and had sandie ground in 47. fadam. At midnight in twelue fadam we came to an ancor, the ground sandie oase. Sunday the 14. towardes night, about some sixe

leagues from the shoar, we descried a low land in the bottom of a bay. From the 9 of March vntill this time, wee kept for the most part a south south west course. The water in this place is smooth, but muddie, and the collour red or Tawny. From the westermost of the Cap. de Verd. Ilands vnto this bay I do estimat the distance to be neer 550. leagues. It semed to most of our sea-men to be the verie banke of a shoald vpon a leigh shoare: the rather because without it, in the cleane greene sea we had but 7. fadam depth: but after by proofe finding that there is no sudden alteration in anie part of the coast and that the sea is smoothest nere the land, we alwaies at night sought to ancor in three or four fadam. And doubtlesse as the hand of God is woonderfull in all his workes: so heerin his mercifull prouidence is most admirable, that vpon a leigh shore, subiect to a perpetuall easterlie g le, neither much wind can endanger shipping by reason that the foule heauie water is not capable of vehement motion, and the softe light oase, if they touch, cannot bruise them: nor is there anie ieopardie in being wind-bound or imbayed: for the most forcible windes make the greatest floud-tydes, whereby the freshets, when they take their ordinarie course of ebbe, doe grow strong and swift, setting directlie off to sea against the wind. We by turning went cleare of all bayes: howbeit in this case, as also in the riuers, the vse of a droue sayle seemeth a good and readie help. The first place wherin we ancored, was in the mouth of Arrowa[…], a faire & great riuer. It standeth in one degree and fourtie minutes: for we fell so farre to the southwards by your Lordships direction. The bar without hath at the least three fadam, at the sholdest place, when it is low ebb The depth within is eight and ten fadam. The water alwayes brackish. We found not anie inhabitantes in this place neere the sea coast. I omit here to recite the names of the nations that are borderers, their townes, Captaines and commodities that their countries doe yeelde, as also the soundinges, tydes, and how the

coast lyeth &c. thinking it fittest to reduce these disioyned and scattered remembrances to one place. As we passed we alwaies kept the shoare within view and stopped the flouds, still ancoring at night in three or foure fadam. When wee came to the north-hed lad of this bay (which we named Cape Cecyl ) we sawe two high mountaines like two Ilandes but they ioyne with the mayne. In this tract lying north north-west neere 60. leagues, there fall into the sea, these seuerall great riuers Arrowari, Iwaripoco, Maipari, Coanawini, Caipurogh. We ancored in two fadam not far from these hilles and filled all our caske with fresh water by the ship side for in the sea 30. miles from the mouth of anie riuer it is fresh and good This second bay extendeth it selfe aboue 30. leagues to the westward, & containeth within it these riuers Arcooa, Wiapoco, wanari, Caparwacka, Cawo, Carare, wia, Macuria Cawroor Curassawini. Here leauing the ship at ancor, I tooke into the boat Iohn Prouost, my Indian Interpreter, Iohn Lynser, and 8. or nine others, intending to search some of these riuers, and to seeke speech with the Indians. In Wiapoco at the foot of the Eastermost mountaine, where the riuer falleth into the sea, we found twentie or thirtie houses, but not inhabited. Wee stayed there but one night. Wanari we ouerpassed, because the entrance is rockie and not deep. In Capperwacka we sailed some fourtie miles but could see no Indian. At one of their portes vnder the side of a hill, we took in so much Brafill wood as our boat could carie. Amongst other trees wee cut downe one for an example, which I doe verilie beleeue to bee the same sorte of Sinamon, which is founde in the streightes of Magellane. From Capurwacka wee passed to Cawo, and there met with a Canoa, wherein were two Indians. It was long time before we could procure them to come neere vs, for they doubted least we were Spanish. When my interpreter had perswaded them the contrarie, and that wee came from England, they without farther speech or delay, brought vs to Wareo their Captaine, who entertained vs most frendly: and then at large declared vnto vs, that he was latelie chased by the Spaniard from Moruga, one of the neighbour riuers to Raleana, or Orenoque: and that hauing burnt his owne houses, and destroyed his fruites and gardens, he had left his countrey and townes to be possessed by the Arwaccas; who are a vagabound nation of Indians, which finding no certaine place of abode of their owne, do for the most part serue and follow the Spaniardes. He shewed mee that he was of the nation of the Iaos, who are a mightie people, and of late time were Lordes of all the sea coast so farre as Trinidado, which they likewise possessed. Howbeit, that with a generall consent, when the Spaniardes first began to borrow some of their wiues: they all agreed to change their habitation, & doe now liue vnited for the most part towards the riuer of Amazones. But the especiall cause of his present remooue was, because two or three yeares past, twenty Spaniardes came to his towne, and sought to take his best wife from him: but before they caried her away, hee at time and place of aduantage killed halfe of them: the rest fled, most of them sore hurt. Now in this case he thought it best to dwel far ynough from them. Your Indian Pilot Ferdinando, who conducted you by Amana, and now abideth neere the head of Dessekeebe, is one of this mans subiects: By whom (as it may seeme) hee hath taken good notice of our Princesse and country. For he descended more particularlie to inquire what forces were come with vs, assuring me of the Spaniards being in Trinidado, and that the Indians our friends betwixt hope and feare, haue earnestlie expected our return from England these foure or fiue moneths. When I had answered him, that at our departure we left no Spaniards aliue to annoy them; that we now came onlie to discouer, & trade with them; and that if her Maiestie should haue sent a power of men, where no enemie was to resist, the Indians might perhaps imagine, that we came rather to inuade, then to defend them. He replyed, that this course very well sorted with the report, which they had heard of our Princesse Iustice, rare graces, & vertues: the fame of whose power in being able to vanquish the Spaniards, and singular goodnesse in vndertaking to succour and defend the afflicted Indians, was now so generall that the nations farre and neere were all agreed to ioyne with vs and by all meanes possible to assist vs in expelling and rooting out the Spaniards from all partes of the land: and that we were deceiued, if we thought this country not large ynough to receiue vs, without molestation or intrusion vpon the Indians, who wanted not choise of dwelling places, if they forsooke one to liue in another: but stood in neede of our presence at all times to aide them, and maintaine their libertie, which to them is dearer then land or liuing. He then farther desired, that hee with his people might haue our fauour against the Arwaccas, who not being content to enioy their groundes and houses, had taken from them manie of their wiues and children, the best of whose fortune was, if they liued, to liue in perpetuall slauerie vnder the Spaniardes. Wee put him in good hope and comfort thereof. And he to deserue some part of this friendship, commended vnto vs an elderlie man to bee our Pilot in bringing vs to Raleana. When we were readie to depart, he demanded whether we wanted any Vrapo which is[6] the wood, that is vsually carried from these partes to Trinidado in Canoas, and is there solde to the French for trade: he offered, if we would bring our ship neer his Port; to put in her lading thereof. But because most of our caske was not yron bound, and in making stoage way to remooue it, would haue bene the losse of our Syder and other drinke; I therefore referred the taking of any quantity to fitter opportunitie: thinking it sufficient at this time, to haue only my boates lading therof: which afterwardes in extremity of foule weather before we could get aboord our shippe, wee were inforced in a dark nigh to heaue al ouerbord: thinking our selues happy, to haue recouered thither at seuen dayes end, with safety of lyfe onlie. All which time wee could no where set foot on shore, but rested day and night wet & weather beaten in our couertles boat which was sometimes readie to sinke vnder vs. For we had in this place without comparison more raine, wind, and gustes then els where at anie time. To be breefe, my men became weake and sicke, and if we had stayed anie longer time out, I doubt whether the greatest part of vs had euer come abord again. I afterwards vnderstood by my Indian Pilot, that this weather is for most part of the yeare vsuall neere the Iland Oncaiarie, which lyeth North from the riuer Capurwacka some sixe leagues into the sea: and that they hold opinion this Iland to be kept by some euill spirit: for they verily beleeue, that to sleepe in the day time neere it (except it be after much drinke) is present death. The onely season wherein little raine doth fall there, is (as I gathered by their speach they diuiding all times by their moones) at our winter Solstice. The mother winde of this coast is for the most part to the Northwarde of the East, except when the Sunne is on this side of the Equinoctiall, for then it often yeares Southerly, but most in the night. This our guide is of the Iaos, who doe all marke themselues, thereby to be knowne from other nations after this maner. With the tooth of a small beast like a Rat, they race some their faces, some their bodies, after diuers formes, as if it were with the scratch of a pin, the print of which rasure, can neuer be done away againe during lyfe. When he had some time conuersed with our Indians, that went from England with vs he became willing of himselfe to see our country. His sufficiency, trustines, & knowledge is such, that if the preteded voyage for the Guiana do take place, you shall (I doubt not) find him many wayes able to steed your Lordsh. in your designes & purposes. For besides his precise knowledge of all the coast, of the Indian townes and dwellings, he speaketh all their languages, was bred in Guiana, is a sworne brother to Putima, who slew the Spaniards in their returne from Manoa, can direct vs to many Golde mines and in nothing will vndertake more, then he assuredlie will performe.

To the Westward this bay hath many good roades vnder small Ilandes, whereof the greatest, named Gowateri, is inhabited by the Shebatos: and besides the plentie of foule, fish fruites wilde Porkes and Deere, which are there to bee had: where Caiane falles into the sea, (for it standeth in the mouthes of Wia and Caiane) it yeeldes saie and good harbour in foure and fiue fadam for ships of great burthen. On all that coast we found not any like it: we therfore honoured this place by the name of Port Howard. The road vnder Triangle Ilands; which are the Westermost from the rest and stand in 5. degrees which haue also store of fish foule, Deere and Iwanas is good, but not comparable with this other, where in all windes and weather shippes though they be manie, may all ride securelie. The hils and high lands are limits to this bay on each side: for to the Eastward beyond it appeare none at all, and to the Westward of Mount Hobbeïgh very few. Where the mountaines faile, there Brasill wood is no farther to be sought for: but in all partes cotten, pepper, silke, and Balsamum trees do grow in aboundance. The rootes of the herbe Wiapassa are here most plentifull: I find them in taste nothing different from good Ginger, & in operation verie medicinable against the flixe and headach. These riuers, as also others neerer Raleana, do al fal out of the plaines of the Empire ouer rockes, as the riuer Caroli doeth into Raleana: and in most places within the vtmost hedge of woods, the land within is plaine, voyd of trees; and beareth short grasse like Arromaiaries country.

Next adioyning vnto these, are the riuers Cunanamma, Uracco, Mawari, Mawarparo, Amonna, Marawini, Oncowi, Wiawiami, Aramatappo, Camaiwini, Shurinama, Shurama, Cupanamma, Inana, Curitini, Winitwari, Berbice, Wapari, Maicaiwini, Mahawaica, Wappari, Lemerare, Dessekebe, Caopui,

Pawrooma, Moruga, Waini, Barima, Amacur, Aratoori, Raleana. From Cape Cecyll to Raleana, the coast trendeth 200. leagues next hande West north west. In this variety of goodly riuers, Amonna amongst the rest poureth himselfe into the sea in a large and deepe channel: his swiftnes suffereth no barre, nor refuseth any shipping of what burthen soeuer they be: within his mouth for good and hopefull respectes is port Burley placed. The inhabitants that dwell Eastward, doe neuer passe lower then Berbice to trade. Aboue Curitini in the woods they gather great quantities of honey. Farther to the Eastward then Dessekebe, no Spaniard euer trauelled. In which respect, and that no sea-card that I haue seene at anie time, doth in any sort neere a truth, describe this coast: I thought the libertie of imposing English names to certaine places of note, of right to belong vnto our labours; the rather because occasion thereby offereth it selfe, gratefullie to acknowledge the honor due vnto them that haue bene, and I hope will still continue, fauourers of this enterprize. The Indians to shew the worthines of Dessekeebe (for it is verie large and full of Ilands in the mouth) do call it the brother of Orenoque. It lyeth Southerly into the land, and from the mouth of it vnto the head, they passe in twentie dayes: then taking their prouision they carie it on their shoulders one dayes iourney: afterwards they returne for their Canoas, and beare them likwise to the side of a lake, which the Iaos call Roponowini, the Charibes, Parime: which is of such bignesse, that they know no difference between it and the maine sea. There be infinite numbers of Canoas in this lake, and (as I suppose) it is no other then that, whereon Manoa standeth: In this riuer, which wee now call Deuoritia, the Spaniards doe intend to build them a towne[7]. In Moruga it was, that they hunted Wareo and his people, about halfe a yeere since. Arromaiarie, who wan so great credit by ouerthrowing the Tiuitiuas of Amana, and making free the passage of that riuer, but now againe

iueth in disgrace, by reason that the Charibes of Guanipa, haue killed most of his followers, and burnt his townes, was present with them, and tooke away manie of the women of that place. Arracurri, another Indian of the nation of the Arwaccas inhabiting in Barima, was likewise present, and conducted the Spaniards to all the Indian dwellings. They were not of Anthonie de Berreo his companie, that followed this chase, but were the Spaniardes of Marguerita, and the Caraccas, with whom Santiago, forsaking his gouernor[8] Berreo, ioyned himselfe. For which fact he now lyeth in fetters at Trinidado, euery day expecting sentence of death. The occasion hereof grew as followeth.

When Berreo, hauing lost his men, was left with Fasshardo at Cumanaw all alone, as forlorne, and neuer likely to compasse his intended conquest of Guiana: the Gouernours of the Caraccas and Marguerita consulting together, sent with all speed into Spaine, to aduertise their king, that Berreo was vtterly vnable to follow this enterprise, that he had giuen it ouer, and did now soiorne in his olde dayes at Fasshardo his house, minding nothing els but his solace, and recreation. they farther declared, of how great importance this matter was: and that an English Gentleman of such reckoning, as they named your Lordship to be, hauing bene in the Guiana, and vnderstanding so much of the state thereof, and the nations thereunto adioyning, as Topiawarie, being both olde and wise, could informe you of, who also in confirmation of friendship, had giuen you his only sonne, to whome the inheritance of the countrey did belong after him: there was no other likelihood, but that you, who aduentured so farre, and in such sort as you did, only to see, and know a certenty, would leaue nothing vnattempted to possesse so rich a countrie, and without all doubt would returne presentlie. That meane time, you had left this aged Sire aliue, to bee a blocke in their way, to whome after his decease, this enterprise by patent did belong, and to be a weake aduersarie against your self, whom at all times, you knew easilie how to distresse: and that therefore it might bee behoouefull for his maiestie to reuoke Berreo his graunt, and to vse their seruice, who were readie and willing without anie delay to vndertake the charge. These newes being at large amplified, and deliuered to the king: Domingo de Uera, Bereo his Camp. master, who was sent into Spaine, fiue monethes before your arriual to Trinidado, with a sufficient quantitie of golde, gotten out of Guiana, to leuie and furnish 500. men, hauing gotten knowledge of this practise so sollicited this cause in Bereo his behalfe, that present order was giuen for the victualing and manning of ten ships to bee sent to Bereo: and farther, this golde bore such waight, that the king commanded other 18. of his ships to stop at Trinidado, and not to follow their other directions, before they saw that place secured from enemies.

Berreo supposing that these Gouernours in sending with such speed into Spaine, meant him no good: to approoue his care and constancie, & that he neuer would yeeld vnder the burthen of his aduerse fortune; giuing no time or breath to his aduersaries, nor himself; returned forthwith to Carapana his port, onlie with fifteene men, being the scattered remnant of those, who you lately dispossessed of Trinidado. These Gouernours followed him, and assuring themselues of present imployment from their king, preoccupating the time of their directions to be returned from Spaine, entered the Guiana with their men, with full determination to murther Bereo, and to dispatch all his companie. They indeed killed two or three, but Bereo fled towards Caroli, where he stayed hoping for succour from his sonne Anthonie de Cemenes, to come downe the riuer from Nueuo Reyno de Granado. The Margueritanes with their accomplices busied themselues, some in searching the countrie, others in purueying of victuals out of the riuers that doe lie Eastward, of which number these were, that entered into Moruga with 20. Canoas.

Santiago passed vp into Topiawaries countrie, and there tooke Francis Sparrowes Sir George Gifford his man prisoner, who with plentie of golde ransomed his life, and is now abiding in Cumanaw. This done, they all returned to Trinidado, and began to build their towne there, when vnhaphappilie to their small comfort the 28. sayles arriued, and tooke Santiago prisoner. The other Actors in this Enterlude vanished, and in Canoas recouered Marguerita and Cumanaw againe. Eighteen of the said ships leauing all thinges in good order, departed from Trinidado to follow their other directions: ten doe yet remaine fortifying at Conquerabia, and expecting our comming.

This particular relation I had from an Indian[9], seruant to Berreo, that could speake Spanish, whom I tooke in the riuer. He is of the nation of the Iaos, and from a child bred vp with Berreo. I gaue him trade to buy him a Canoa to returne into his countrie, and so left him glad, that hee had met with vs.

Now the Indians of Moruga being chased from their dwellings, do seeke by all means possible, to accorde all the Nations in one, so to inuade the Arwaccas, who were guides to the Spaniards, in shewing their townes, and betraying them. For they are fullie perswaded, that by driuing these Arwaccas, who serue the Spaniards (for a great parte of this nation doth also hate, or not know them) out of their territories, and Trinidado, the Spaniards for want of bread, will be inforced to seeke habitation farther of, or at the least in time consume and be wasted.

The 6. day of Aprill wee came to an ancor within the mouth of the riuer Raleana, hauing spent twentie and three dayes in discouerie vpon this coast. The channell of this riuer hath sixe or seuen fadam depth, nine or ten miles off at sea, the barre lyeth farther out, and at low water hath not full two fadam. It highes not aboue fiue foote, except at a spring tyde. We ancored in ten fadam the first night: the next morning twelue Canoas came vnto vs, furnished & prouided of victualles after their manner for the warres. Their Captaines names were Anawra, and Aparwa. These Cassiques when the Spaniards made the last inrode in those parts, were in the Inland amongst the Iwarewakerie their neighbors, by which occasion hauing lost some of their wiues (for notwithstanding their profession of Christianitie, some of these Spaniards keep ten or twelue women, thinking themselues wel and surelie blessed, howsoeuer they liue, if their towne and houses be religiouslie crossed) they kept together thirtie Canoas, hoping at our comming, which they had now long expected to recouer this losse vpon them, and the Arwaccas who in their absence had done this wrong. They shewed me this their purpose, and required to be ioyned in league of friendship with vs against our enemies. When of them I had learned so much of the present estate of the country, as they did know: they demanded whether we had brought no more forces with vs, but onely one ship? I answered them as before I did the others, that we now came onlie to trade, not knowing vntil this present that any Spaniards wer in the Guiana; that vpon our returne our whole Fleete will hasten to set forwards, and that in the meane time, we woulde now visite our friends and help them so farre as we could in anie thing, that we should finde needfull presently to be done. After long discourse (for their chief man stayed with me all night) when hee had caused mee to spit in my right hand, with manie other ceremonies which they vse in confirming friendship, he went to the shoare, and one of his Canoas he sent to bring forwards the other twentie: one other he caused to go vp the riuer before vs, to bring intelligence. Then calling together the cheif of his companie, they made small fyers, and sitting in their Hamaccas, each one sorted himself with a companion, recounting amongst themselues the worthiest deeds, and deathes of their Ancestors, execrating their enemies most despightfullie, & magnifying their friendes with all titles of praises and honour, that may bee deuised. Thus they sit talking, and taking Tobacco some two howers, and vntill their pipes bee all spent (for by them they measure the time of this their solemne conference) no man must interrupt, or disturbe them in anie sorte: for this is their religion, and prayers, which they nowe celebrated, keeping a precise fast one whole day in honour of the great Princesse of the North, their Patronesse & Defender. Their[10] Canoas being made readie, they accompanied vs, and in the way shewed vs, where the shoalds of the riuer doe lie. By this Captaine I learned that Muchikeri is the name of the countrie where Macureguerai the first towne of the Empire of Guiana, that lyeth towardes Raieana, is seated in a faire and exceeding large plaine, belowe the high mountaines that beare Northwesterly from it, that it is but three dayes iorney distant from Carapana his porte: and that Monoa is but sixe daies farther. That they themselues doe passe in three dayes into the countrie of the Iwarewakeries by the riuer Amacur, which though it be not the directest, yet is it the readiest way to Macureguerai for that which leadeth by Carapana his dwelling, is in some places difficult, and mounteynous. That a nation of clothed people, called Cassanari, doe dwell not far from the place, where the riuer doth first take the name of Orenoque, and that farre within, they border vpon a sea of salt water, named Parime. That a great riuer, called Macurwini, passeth through their countrie into Orenoque. That Manoa standeth twentie dayes iourney from the mouth of Wiapoco: sixteene dayes from Barima: thirteene dayes from Amacur, and ten dayes from Aratoori. That the best way vnto it, is not by Macureguerai, because it is in some places combersome and rockie. That of all others the Charibes that dwell high vp in Orenoque, knowe most of the inland, and of those nations, & that they speak no other language, then such as Iohn your Interpreter doth well vnderstand. He certified me of the headlesse men, and that their mouthes in their breasts are exceeding wide. The name of their nation in the Charibes language Chiparemai,   and the[11] Guianians call them Ewiapanomos. What I haue heard of a sorte of people more monstrous, I omit to mention, because it is no matter of difficultie to get one of them, and the report otherwise will appear fabulous. Lastlie, he told me of an Inland riuer, named Cawrooma, adioyning to Aratoori, and that the Cuepyn mountaines, where Carapana dwelleth, are hardlie accessible. That the Amapagotos haue images of gold of incredible bignesse, and greate store of vnmanned horses of the Carackas breed: and that they dwell fiue dayes iourny vp the riuer about Caroli. We with our fleet of Canoas were now not farre fro Carapanas port, when our intelligencer returned & informed vs that ten Spaniardes were lately gone with much trade to Barima, wher these Indians dwelt, to buy Cassaua bread: and that within one day two other Canoas of Spaniards were appointed to come by the riuer Amana, to Carapana his porte. Vpon this occasion they took counsell, and in the end desired to returne to their houses, least the Spaniards finding them from home, and imagining that they did purposelie absent themselues, should take away their wiues, and spoile their dwellings. They farther resolued, if it were possible to cut them off. Which afterwards they did performe. For when they were dispersed in their houses seeking Cassaua: suddenlie at one time, in all places they were assaulted, and not one of them escaped. Carapana, whose hande was in laying this plot, sent vs this newes, as we returned downe the riuer. The two other Canoas that came from Trinidado by Amana, notwithstanding that we kept a league before the ship with our boates, sawe the ship before we had sight of them, and presentlie with all speed went to Berreo to aduertise him of our comming. He foorthwith dispatched two or three messengers to Trinidado. One of his Canoas met with our Spie, whome the Indians of Barima had left to goe with vs: they rifled him of his victuals, gaue him kniues, and dismissed him,

In 8. dayes sayling still before a wind, we arriued at Topiawaries porte, in all which time, no Indian that wee knewe came aboord vs. For the time of our returne promised at your Lordships departure from thence, being expired; they in dispair seuered theselues amongst the other nations. Here the Spaniards haue seated their Rarceria of some twentie or thirtie houses. The high rockie Ilande, that lyeth in the middest of the riuer, against the mouth of Caroli, is their fort or refuge, when they misdoubt safetie in their town, or haue notice of any practise against them: but nowe leauing both towne and Iland, they ioyned themselues altogether, and retiring to the mouth of the riuer Caroli, placed there a secret ambush, to defend the passage to those mines, from whence your Oare and white stones were taken the last yeare: Wee all not without griefe to see our selues thus defeated, & our hungrie hopes made voide, were witnesses of this their remooue. As we road at an ancor within musket shot of their towne, an Indian came vnto vs with leane cheekes, thinne haire, and a squint eye, to informe vs that they were verie strong, that Berreo his son was with him, that they had but two small Pynnaces at Trinidado, which they daylie looked for to come vp the riuer, and lastlie to view our ship wel, and our prouision, but especiallie to learne whether Gualtero, Topiawarie his sonne were with vs.

This Informers verie countenance gaue him to bee suspected, and therefore partlie by threatning, partlie by promise of reward we won him to confesse the trueth. Which he did, assuring vs that Berreo had not full 55. men with him, whereof twentie came lately from Trinidado: twentie from Nueuo Reyno, and the rest hee brougt with him about sixe moneths since, when he fled from Carapana his port, & was driuen with his small companie to keepe the foresaid Iland neer Caroli. And that though now his number is thus increased, yet dareth he not aduenture at any time to leaue the fast woods, and to goe but halfe a league from his holde into the plains. That some few of the Arwaccas are abiding with him That he dailie looketh for his sonne from Nueuo Reyno, for his Campemaister from Trinidado, and for horses from the Caraccas. That Topiawarie is dead: the Indians of that coast all fled, and dispersed, excepting the sonne of one Curmatoi, and another woman of account, whom the Spaniards hold prisoners, for consenting to the death of their nine men, & the holie Frier in Morekito his time. This Curmatoi is fled towards Guanipa, and is a man of speciall note amongst the Indians[12]. That Iwiakanarie Gualtero his neere kinsman, hath held the country to his vse, by his fathers appointment, euer since your being in the riuer. That there are ten shippes, and, manie Spaniards at Trinidado. That the Indians our friendes did feare, least you with your companie were all slaine, and your ships sunke at Cumanaw (for so the Spaniards noysed it amongst them.) that some of Gualtero his frinds with Putijma, were in the mountaines not farre from the hill Aio. And that Berreo had sent for sixe peeces of ordinance, which hee meant to plante, where they might best commaund the riuer.

When we had stayed here two dayes, considering that where no hope was left of doing good: to abide there in harmes way doing nothing, would be bootlesse: I resolued to seek Putijma in the mounteines: and turning downe the riuer with the force of the streame some twentie miles in sixe houres: the next morning with tenne shot I went ashore, intending if the Indians should thinke themselues too weake, with our helpe to displant the Spaniardes: to set some of them on worke, for hatchets and kniues to returne vs gold graines, and white stones from such places, as they should be directed vnto. When we came to the place of their vsuall abode: we sawe that they latelie had bene there, but could speake with none of them. It may be that feare (which is easie of beleefe) perswaded them that wee were Spaniards, Gilbert my Pylot, here offered to bring vs eyther to the myne of white stones neere Winicapora, or els to a golde myne, which Putijma had shewed him, being but one dayes iourney ouer land, from the place where we now stayed at an ancor. I sawe farre off the mountaine adioyning to this golde mine and hauing measured their paths nere the same place this last yeare, could not iudge it to bee fit eene miles from vs. I doe well remember how comming that way with Putijma the yeare before, he pointed to this same mountain making signs to haue me go with him thither. I vnderstood his signes, and marked the place, but mistooke his meaning, imagining that he would haue shewed mee the ouerfall of the riuer Curwara from the mountains. My Indian shewed me in what sort without diging they gather the gold in the sand of a small riuer, name Macawini, that springeth and falleth from the rocks, where this mine is. And farther told me, that he was with Putijma, at what time Morekito was to be executed by the Spaniards, & that then the cheif of Morekito his friends were in consultation, to shew this mine vnto the, if so they might redeem their Captains life; but vpo better aduise, supposing them in this case to bee implacable, and that this might prooue a means to loose not only their king, but their country also: they haue to this day concealed it from them, being of all others the richest, and most plentifull The aged sort, to keep this from common knowledge, haue deuised a fable of a dangerous Dragon that haunteth this place and deuoureth all that come neer it. But our Indian, if when we returne, we doe bring store of strong wine (which they loue beyond measure) with it will vndertake so to charme this Dragon, that he shall do vs no harme.

I, that for this end came from home, and in this iourney had taken much more paines to lesse purpose, would verie gladlie from this mountaine haue taken so good a proofe to witnes my being in the countrey: but withall considering that not one Indian of our knowne friendes came vnto vs: that Don Iuan the cosen of Gualtero, who liueth here a euolt from the Spaniard was now in election to bee chiefe commander of all the Indian forces in those partes, cannot in pollicie, for Gualtero his sake, whose inheritance he sought to vsurpe, be a fast friend vnto vs: that the Spaniards abiding in Winicapora (for there were ten) might well before wee could doe any thing, and returne, cause some others of Berreo his men to ioyne with them, in the way to intercept vs: and forethinking withall, that there being no meanes, but by our selues to make known our discouerie, if we returned not; in our misfortune the hope of following this voyage would be buried: but besides all this, and the respect of such spyals, as the Spaniards kept to obserue our dooings, foreknowing that if the enemie should by our lingring stop our passage, which in one or two places of aduantage, fewe of them might easilie doe: it would be a question how with our ship to get out of the riuer, except first wee could remooue them: I thought it best (all other possibilities set apart) to seeke in time to bee free from the hazard of the forsaid euil passages.

Whilest we were searching at the shore for the Indians, my barge took a Canoa, with three men in her: the one a seruant to Berreo (as before is mentioned,) the other two marchants of Cassaua. They had a letter sent from the Gouernour to be coueied to Trinidado: which I receiued. There was also a great hatchet, and twentie kniues, wherewith this Indian seruant should buy a Canoa, and hyre Indians to carie her vp the riuer towards Nueuo Reyno. This Canoa forsooth with foure others was to be sent to bring downe Berreo his sonne with all his forces, which now haue bene I think, full three yeares in preparing, If fiue such boates be sufficient to conuoy him his men, and all their prouision: it may seeme, hee commeth with no great strength.

This seruant, as he was a man of especiall trust, and neer Berreo: so appeared hee to haue some insight in his proceedings. Hee shewed mee that the Indians, who with these kniues should be hired, were to passe vp so high, as where some of the Cassanari do dwell in small villages. That Berreo his purpose was, when they came thither to leaue them there, and make them his chiefe Officers ouer the other Indians: and in their places some of the Cassanari should return, who likewise should be made Iustices and Constables ouer them of Guiana: that from Trinidado he meant to remooue most of the old inhabitants, that would be tractable; and interpose them amongst the Cassanarians of Guiana, and the Guianians of the Cassanari. That the Arwaccas should wholly possesse Trinidado, and the riuer side of Raleana. That they alreadie were prouided of threescore Negroes, to worke the mines in these places. And that by this meanes Berreo hoped to keepe these seuerall nations in mutual enmitie each against other, all to serue his turne, and neuer to become strong, or likelie to ioine theselues against him. He farther shewed me that Topiawarie soone after our departure from the riuer, fled into the mountaines carrying Hugh Godwyn with him, and leauing a Substitute in his countrie, as aforesaid: and that the next newes they heard of him was, that he was dead, and the English boy eaten by a Tyger. That the Spaniardes beleeue neither the one, nor the other. That about the end of Iune, when the riuer shall be impassable, the ten ships shall depart from Trinidado. And that Berreo euer since his comming to Guiana, hath spent his time altogether in purueying of victuals, whereof there is such scarsitie, by reason that the Indians forsaking their houses, haue not this half year planted any of their grounds, that the Spaniards are inforced to seeke their bread far off, and content themselues to liue with little.

In sailing vp the riuer, we passed by Toparimacko his port, which in one place is verie shoald, the channell lying close aboord the shoare. We returned therfore another way by the maine riuer on the South side: this branch we founde large, deep, and without danger. When we were come nere Carapana his port: he sent fiue or sixe seuerall Canoas, promising this day and the next, that he would come and speak with vs. Thus we lingred six or seuen daies, but he came not. In the end hee sent one of his aged followers, to certifie vs, that he was sicke, olde and weake: that the wayes neere his dwelling are not easie: and that therefore he desired vs to hold him excused for not comming. This olde man dilated vnto vs, that Carapana in hope of our returne, hath euer since your Lordships being in that countrie, kept the mountains, where the Spaniards can hardlie anie way inforce him; that they haue taken from him and his people, manie of their wiues, because they refused to furnish them weekelie with a certaine proportion of bread and victualles: that Don Iuan otherwise called Eparacano hath the commandement of all his subiectes, excepting onelie a choise guarde of men sufficient to keep the place hee now dwelleth in. That it repenteth him of his ambition, euer to haue sought by the Spaniards meanes, to haue enlarged his countries and people. For true it is that from the beginning he was a Lord of no other then ordinarie power amongst them, vntil he had entered into frinedship with Berreo: for then the Indians on all sides left some their habitations, and manie their commanders to become his subiectes, that so they might haue the priuiledge to trade with the Spaniards for hatchets and kniues, which are rare iewels of great price amongst them. that he now saw no other choise, but that the Indians must, if they will doe well, without farther dissembling of their necessitie, either entertaine vs their friends, or els giue place to the Spaniards their enemies. For the plentie of golde that is in this countrie, being now known and discouered, there is no possibilitie for them to keepe it: on the one side; they could feele no greater miserie, nor feare more extremitie, then they were sure to finde, if the Spaniardes preuayled, who perforce doe take all things from them, vsing them as their slaues, to runne, to rowe, to be their guides, to carrie their burthens, and that which is worst of all, to be content, for saftie of their liues, to leaue their women, if a Spaniard chaunce but to set his eie on anie of them to fancie her: on the other side; they could hope for, nor desire no better state and vsage, then her Maiesties gracious gouernment, and princelie vertues do promise, and assure vnto them. For, said he, when the other yeare, we fled into the mountains, and measuring your doinges by the Spaniardes in like case, made no other account, but that your Commander being able, as he was, would doubtlesse haue persecuted vs to the vttermost, as the onlie maintaineres and supporters of your enemies, and would at the least, if hee could not reach vs, take our townes, and make vs ransome our wiues and children: we found it farre otherwise, and that none of your well gouerned companie durst offer any of vs wrong or violence, no not by stealth when vnknowne they might haue done it. We then beleeuing it to be true, that your grand Captaine reported of his Princesse, tooke this for a good proofe of her royall commandement and wisedome, that had framed her subiects to such obedience, and of your happinesse, that enioyed the benefite thereof: that Carapana weighing the good and friendlie course of our proceedings, doth humblie craue of her Maiestie for himself and his people, that with the rest of the Indians, which whollie depende on her princelie regard towards them; hee also may enioy her fauourable protection, that he doth this, not as a man left vnto himselfe, and forsaken by the Spaniards, but as one that knoweth their iniustice hateth their cruelties, & taketh it fos his best choise, vtterlie to disclaime their friendship. It may bee pertinent (as surelie it is a thing worth the noting) to consider how this president, of your moderation & good order, which to vs seemeth a matter but of smal, and ordinarie respect, hath both alienated their hearts altogether from the Spaniard, and stirred vp in them true loue and admiration therof. For as gouernment is the only bond of common

societie: so to men lawlesse, that each one to another are, Omnes hoc iure molesti, quo fortes: To men, I say, that liue in daylie tumultes, feares, doubtes, suspitions, barbarous cruelties, neuer sleeping secure, but alwaies either drunke, or practising one anothers death: to such men as these be, who wanting discipline, iustice, & good order to confirme them in a quiet and peaceable course of liuing knowe not where to find it: the sence and sweetnesse thereof, is as the dewe of Hermon: it is as the harmonie of a well tuned Instrument: to be briefe, it carieth in it selfe not onlie a due and worthie commendation; but is auayleable without stroke striking to gaine a kingdome. For the Indians in all partes within and neere the Guiana, doe offer their seruice, and promise to prouide victuall, and what els their countrie yeeldeth, desiring onlie that some force of men may remaine with them, to deliuer them from oppression and tyrannie. And now by generall consent (though hatchets and kniues be the onelie things of request and vsefull vnto them) they haue agreed by no means to trade with the Spaniard for anie thing. Farther, this old man shewed me, whece most of their gold cometh, that is formed in so manie & diuers fashions: whence their Spleene-stones, and others of all sortes are to be had in plentie: where gold is to be gathered in the sandes of their riuers: from what partes the Spaniards, both by trade, and otherwise, haue returned much golde. This he vttered with Carapana his consent (I doubt not) hoping thereby to induce vs to returne againe. For contrarie to their lawe of secrecie, which in this case they doe all generallie obserue, sharplie punishing the breakers thereof, as enemies vnto their natiue countrie: I found this man no whit scrupulous, but verie free and liberall of speech in all things.

And because we might know, that wee should not want handes or helpe, in this or anie other our enterprises, if perhaps we should find cause to passe vp to the head of this riuer: he declared that the Spaniards haue no Indians to trust vnto but some of the Arwaccas, which since they were not manie could be but of smal force: That the Charibes of Guanipa, the Crawannas amongst the Tiuitiuas, the Shebaios, Iaos, Amaipagotos, Cassipagotos, Putpagotos, Samipagotos, Serowos, Etaiguinams, Cassamari, with the rest of the nations farre and neere, were all readie, on what side soeuer the Spaniard shal stirre, to fight against them: that the Pariagotos, through whose country they must first passe, are alone sufficiet to incounter them, such is the strength of their countrie, and the valure of the men. The Indians hold opinion, that they are notable sorcerers, and inuulnerable. In the mountains where they dwell white stones are founde of such hardnesse, that by no arte or meanes they can bee pearced: they imagine that these Pariagotos become inuulnerable, by eating these stones. The fable omitted, happelie they may prooue good Diamonds.

Then hee shewed howe the Iwarewakeri haue nourished grasse in all places, where passage is, these three yeares, and that it is at this present so high as some of the trees; which they meane to burne, so soone as the Spaniard shall be within danger thereof. Lastlie, he shewed mee that Wariarimagoto the Emperours chiefe Captaine for those partes, hath gathered together manie thousands of the Epuremai, to keep the borders of the Empire; and that hee lay now on the south side of the mountaines, some one dayes iourney, or little more from the Spaniard. To be short, hee certified me, that they all were resolued not to seeke vpon them (for indeed they feare their shot) but to defend their owne, and to expect our comming. In the meane time they take opportunities, when they finde anie of them straggling or deuided from their strength, by little & little, to lessen their number.

The place, where we were at an ancor was but one daies iourney from Carapana: I therefore made motion to this Captaine to staie with two or three of his company aboord the ship, & to cause his men to bring me with my Interpreter to Carapana his dwelling: he answered that it were not good so to doe, least perhaps some Spie might informe the Spaniardes thereof, whereby daunger would growe to Carapana. For they haue manie times vsed manie meanes to reconcile him vnto them: but hee from time to time hath dalyed with them, neither professing himselfe their enemy, nor in aught shewing them anie friendship. Now said hee) if the Spaniard shall by anie meanes come to knowledge, that you haue conferred together, they will take this occasion to persecute him with all extremitie, as their open enemie, whom they now neglect, or at the least feare not as being an harmelesse olde man. And for this cause onelie hath Carapana forborne to come vnto you.

By this I perceiued, that to stay longer for him (though gladlie I could haue bene content to spende one seuenight more to speake with him) would bee purposelesse. Wherefore hauing assured so manie of the Indians, as at anie time came vnto vs, of our speedie returne, promising them plenty of kniues, beades, and hatchets, if they would reserue their Cassaua, and prouide store of their peeces of golde for vs: I desired this Captaine to bee a meanes that our friendes of Trinidado might vnderstand of our being in the riuer, and that wee meant to releeue them so soone, as conuenientlie might bee. Hee promised in Carapana his behalfe, that this should not be forgotten. One of the Captaines of the Cyawannas, who doe now dwell in the riuer Arawawo, neere Trinidado, vndertooke also without faile to ascertaine them thereof. I was the more carefull herein, because so many ships being there, I doubted least they would take order that no Indian should speake with vs. For so indeed it fell out.

This Captain of the Cyawannas came likewise to ioyn with vs, and had prouided fifteen Canoas for that purpose. Their dwelling was lately in Macureo, wher the Spaniards one night stealing on them, killed twentie of their men, and burnt their houses, because they refused to trade with them for certain images of gold made with manie heades, which they had gotten out of the Guiana. I sent a present of Yron to Carapana, and then set saile.

In turning downe the riuer we spent eight daies. In manie places where the channell lyeth, wee found twentie fadam depth: where it is sholdest wee had two fadam and a halfe, and that but in one or two places. Of the woorthynesse of this riuer, because I cannot say ynough, I wil speak nothing. Wee haue presumed to call it by the name of Raleana, because your selfe was the first of our nation that euer entred the same, and I thinke it nothing inferiour to Amasones, which is best knowne by the name of Oreliana, the first discouerer thereof. By turning onlie, without helpe of owers, to passe so long a way, in so shorte a time, against the winde, may sufficiently prooue, that the channell is verie large, good, and likelie to second our hopes in all that we can desire. Without the mouth of this riuer, our Pynnace, the Discouerer, whome wee lost neere the coast of England, came vnto vs. She fel with this land somewhat to the Southward of Cape Cecyll, and had spent three weeks and od daies in ranging alongst the coast, when she met with vs. William Downe the Maister, informed me that they entred, & searched these foure riuers. In Wiapoco they sayled so farre, vntil the rocks stopped their passage. In Caiane they went vp one dayes iourny. In Cunanama they found manie inhabitants. Curitini was the last riuer they had bene in. Whence, hauing no other means to find Raleana, they were inforced to borrow a Pilot against his wil: whom afterwards I would haue returned with reward to his contentment; but he would not.

Our English that to steale the first blessing of an vntraded place, will perhaps secretlie hasten thither, may bee beholding to me for this caueat, if they take notice thereof. They may be assured, that this people, as they no way sought our harme, but vsed our men with all kindnesse: so are they impacient of such a wrong, as to haue anie of their people perforce taken from them, and will doubtlesse seek reuenge. The example of the like practise vpon the coast of Ginnie, in the yeare 1566. and againe at Dominica, where Alderman Wats his ship hardlie escaped being taken may serue for our warning in like case to looke for no good, before they bee satisfied for this iniurie.

When we had taken aboord vs such victuals as were in the Pynnace: we set fire in her, (for her Rudder could serue her to no longer vse) and stopping the flouds, plyed to windward with the ebbe neere the shoare, vntill we were sixteen leagues to the Eastward of the riuers mouth, and then standing off to sea, we fell in 24. houres sayling with Punto Gallera the Northeastermost part of Trinidado. But hauing Tobacco Iland in sight, we first went thither. This Iland is plentifull of all thinges, and a very good soyle. It is not nowe inhabited, because the Charibes of Dominica, are euil neighbours vnto it. They of Trinidado haue a meaning and purpose to flie thither, when no longer they can keep Trinidado. Their onlie doubt is, that when they are seated there, the Spaniard will seeke to possesse it also. The Gouernour of Marguerita went latelie in a pynnace to viewe this Iland. Gilbert my Pylot who somtime liued there, noteth it for the best and fruitfullest ground that he knoweth.

Thence we returned to Punto Gallera and ancored in ten fadam vnder the northside of the Ilande some fiue or sixe miles from the said point. The floud-tyde striketh alongst the coast to the Eastward verie stronglie. Wee discharged a peece of ordinance, and afterwardes went to the shoare in our boat: but no Indian came vnto vs. I would haue sent Iohn of Trinidado to procure some of them to speake with vs: but he was altogether vnwilling, alleadging that their dwellings were farre within the mountaines, and that he knew no part of that side of the Iland. Fro this place we set saile for S. Luce

but fell with the Granadas, which we found not inhabited, S. Vincent we hardly recouered by turning vnder the liegh of the Iland. The Tobacco of this place is good: but the Indians being Canibals, promising vs store, and delaying vs from day to day, sought onlie opportunitie to betray, take and eat vs, as latelie they had deuoured the whole companie of a French ship This their treacherie being by one of their slaues reuealed, from thencefoorth they did all forbeare to come vnto vs. To sit downe on their lowe stooles, when they by offring such ease, will seeme to shewe curtesie, abodeth death to strangers, that shall trust them. At Matalino wee found not any inhabitants. Lastlie, wee came to Dominica, where we could get no good Tobacco. But hauing intelligence of a Spanish ship, that was taking in of fresh water, at the northwest side of the Iland; we wayed ancor to seek him He descrying vs, stole away by night. The Indians of this place haue determined to remooue, and ioyne with them of Guanipa, against the Spaniards, who lately dispeopled one of their Ilads, & at our being ther, one of their Canoas returned fro Guanipa, & certified vs, that the ten Spanish ships at Trinidado, do ride some of them at Conquerabia, the rest at the small Ilandes neere the difimboging place. Herehence wee steered North and by East, taking the directest course to shorten our way homewards.

Thus haue I emptied your purse, spending my time and trauell in following your Lordships directions for the full discouery of this coast, and the riuers thereof. Concerning the not making of a voyage for your priuate profit, I pretend nothing. Sorie I am, that where I sought no excuse, by the Spaniards being there, I founde my defect remedilesse. And for mine owne part, I doe protest, that if the consideration of the publike good, that may ensue, had not ouerpoysed all other hopes, and desires: I would rather haue adventured by such small and weake meanes as I had, to doe well with danger, then to returne onlie with safetie. Now

although in a cause not doubtfull, my allegation is no way needfull: yet because the waightinesse thereof, and the expectation of others, seemeth of due & right to claime, somthing to be said by me whom your especial trust and fauour hath credited and graced with this imployment: Pardon it (I beseech your Honour) if, where my lamp had oile, it borrow light also; and my speech, which is altogether vnsauorie, season it selfe with some of the leauen of your own discourse touching this discouerie. The particular relation of some certaine thinges, I haue reserued, as properlie belonging to your selfe, who onlie, as knowing most, can make best vse thereof. So much in generall is here touched, as (I hope) may serue to refresh the memorie of this worthie enterprise in those whom it may concerne, and testifie your care and expence in following the same: That in a second age, when in time truth shall haue credite, and men woondering at the richesse, and strength of this place, which nature her selfe hath marueilouslie fortified, as her chiefe treasure house, shal mourn and sigh to hold idle cickles, whilest others reap, & gather in this haruest: it be not said, that Sir Walter Ralegh was of al men liuing in his daies, most industrious in seeking most fortunat in attaining to the fulnes of an inestimable publique good: if, knowing that for enuy & priuate respectes, his labors were lessened, his informations mistrusted, his proffers not regarded and the due honour of his deserts imparted to others If (I say) seeing, knowing and bearing all this, hee with patience had persisted in so good a way of doing his Princesse, and countrie seruice; and had but perfected his first discouerie by sending a ship, or two for that purpose: for then surelie all lets & doubts being remooued, and so large a kingdome, so exceeding rich, so plentifull of all things, as this by his discourse, appeared to be, being offered: no deuises, and vaine surmises could haue taken place, no illusions could haue preuayled, it had been blindnesse and deafnesse in those that being neere her

Maiestie: do spend their daies in seruing the comon weale, not to see, and know in so waightie a matter: it had beene malicious obstinacie, impotencie of minde, and more then treason to the common wealth, the matter standing onlie vpon acceptance, to seeke either to foreslowe so fit an occasion, or forsake so generall a blessing. This, if, is nowe cut off through a singular and incomparable temper, in ouercomming euill with good: This your second discouerie hath not onlie found a free & open entrance into Raleana, which the Naturals call Orenoque: but moreouer yeeldeth choise of fourtie seuerall great riuers (the lesser I doe not recken) being for the most part with small vessels nauigable, for our merchants and others, that doe now finde little profit in setting foorth for reprisall, to exercise trade in. To such as shall be willing to aduenture in search of them, I could propose some hope of gold mines, & certain assurance of peeces of made golde, of Spleen-stones, Kidney-stones, and others of better estimate: but because our beleefe seemeth to bee mated in these greater matters, & a certaintie of smaller profits, is the readiest inducement to quicken our weak hopes; I not going so far as mine own eyes might warrat me, do onlie promise in theafore said riuers, Brasil wood, honey, Cotten, Balsamu, & drugs to help defray charges: & farther, because without a beginning there can bee no continuance of these benefits vnto our country, to anie that shalbe the first vnder takers hereof, I am gladly content, to giue such light & knowledge, as by conferece with the Indians I haue attained vnto.

My selfe, and the remaine of my few yeares, I haue bequeathed whollie to Raleana, and all my thoughtes liue only in that action. The prosecuting whereof is in it self iust, profitable, and necessarie. Iust: because it is intended for the defence of harmelesse people, who fearing thraldom, and oppression, desire to protect themselues and their countrey vnder her Maiesties tuition: Profitable, as may bee gathered not onlie by manie Spanish letters intercepted, but also by the proofes mentioned in the discourse of the first discouery, and since that, by the Indians owne voluntarie relations: and lastlie, by the prouision that the Spaniardes doe make to acquite vs thereof. Necessarie it is, as being the onlie help to put a byt in the mouth of the vnbrideled Spaniard; the onlie way to enter into his treasurie of Nueuo Reyno, and Peru; the onlie means to animate the wronged Indians, with our assistance, to seeke reuenge for the extreame murthers and cruelties, which they haue endured, and to ruinate his naked cities in all those partes of the Inlande, whose foundations haue beene laid in the bloud of their parents and ancestors.

The forces that the Spaniard hath alreadie sent to Trinidado, to fortifie there, and keep the passage of this riuer, are an euident argument, that the king feareth and doubteth the sequele of this discouerie. For can it bee a small matter? or hath he so waste imployment for his men and shipping, that vpon no ground, he would send 28. shippes, to keepe vs onlie from Tobacco? (for what els that good is can Trinidado yeeld vs?) no, doubtlesse, if the returne of Berreo his Campe-maister with ten of these shippes, bee compared with precedent aduertisments concerning him: it will appeare more then probable, that the Guiana golde waged these men and shipping: and that they are now more carefull to obtaine this place, then to keepe others, which they haue alreadie gotten, which note except in matters of extraordinarie account, is not incident to their pollicie and proceedings. Againe, it cannot be thought but that either it was sencelesse madnesse in the gouernours of Marguerita, and the Caraccas to bring their states, and liues in question, by seeking contrarie to their kings order, to enter the Guiana, and kill Berreo with his his followers: or els the aboundance of pearle in Marguerita, and the golde mines in the Caraccas, seeming matters of small account: the Guiana onlie was in their iudgement, rich, plentifull, and able of it selfe to redeeme their trespasse and offence, how great soeuer it should be.

The sundry attempts and ouerthrowes of the Spaniards being men of power, and honourable place, in labouring these 63. yeares, and vpwards to inlarge the kingdome of Spaine, with this mightie and great Empire, doe plainlie show, that they long time sought a path, where in one moneth a high way was found: that the losse of their liues witnesseth their desires, & the worthinesse of the thing, where to vs the easinesse of obtaining discrediteth the greatnesse of the attempt: and that if now at the last they doe preuaile, they must holde by tyrannie that which they get by the sword; where then our returne nothing by the Indians is more wished for, nothing expected more earnestly.

Those obiections, which haue bene made by manie seeming wise, and the impediments likelie to arise, as they haue supposed, are best answered by the vnreprooued witnesse of these mens actions. Some haue tearmed these discoueries fables, and fantasies, as if there had bene no such land, or territorie: others allowing both of the place, and that such a kingdome or country is discouered, make conclusion that if it had beene so rich, as wee haue supposed: that no doubt the king of Spaine would by this time haue possest it. But if they consider that the Spanish-nation hath already conquered the two Empires of Mexico, and Peru, with so manie other kingdomes and prouinces: wee may very well answere, that his power is not infinite, and that hee hath done well for the time. And yet it is manifest, that this very Empire hath beene by all those seuerall Spaniards (the catalogue of whose names, is by it selfe hereunto annexed) at sundrie times vndertaken, and neuer performed. Howbeit, the world hath reason to admire their constancie, and their great labours, and we may well blush at our owne idle, dispairefull, and loytering dispositions, that can find abilitie in another barren, and sterued nation, to possesse so much of the worlde: and can doe nothing but frame argumentes against our selues as vnfit and powerlesse to possesse one prouince already discouered and of which our nation hath assurance of the peoples loue, and that all the Chieftaines and principalles haue vowed their obedience and seruice to her Maiestie; the nauigation being withall so short, dangerlesse and free from infectious sicknesse. If doubt of perils might moderate the mindes of men once mooued with stedfast hope, that golde shall be the reward of their trauels: it may easilie be perceiued that all those lettes and hinderances, that can anie way bee alleadged, or wrested so much, as but to touch vs, doe deeply and neerelie concerne the Spanish king, and in a manner violentlie with-holde him from that, which he notwithstanding carieth with successe, whilest we out of season, doe affect the bare style, to bee named men stayed and circumspect in our proceedings. It is reported, that Calanus the Indian threw downe before Alexander the great, a drie seare peece of leather, and then put his foot on one of the endes of it: the leather being trode downe on that side, rose on all partes els. By this the wise man did shewe vnto him a figure and similitude of his kingdome, which being exceeding large, must of necessitie in all other partes excepting the place of the kings residence, bee alwayes ful of stirres, tumults, & insurrections. The end afterwards confirmed, that this Empire consisting of sundry nations, could not keep it selfe from dissolution. No potentate liuing hath, or can haue so faithful & incorrupt Counsellers, as be the examples and histories of fore passed ages. Wee may therefore be bold to thinke that the Gouernours of the Spanish affaires should mind it, that their kings lustfull desire, and ambicious thoughtes to establish ouer all Europe one lawe, one Lord, one religion, are built and erected on a dangerous vngrounded resolution: Considering that many of the neighbour kingdomes being of equall force in men, or greater then he can make, are setled in a long continued estate, are entire within themselues, and hate to heare the voyce of a stranger. It is not vnlikelie that they in this case shoulde lay before their king the fatall destinies of manie Worthies, that haue beene constrayned for want of sufficient numbers of their naturall subiectes, after manie yeares spent in the warres, to retyre to their owne countries, and haue bene glad peaceablie to hold their owne Signiories at home, resigning all that vnto others, which they haue gotten abroad by hard aduenture, and much effusion of blood. The King of Spaine cannot but discerne, that his spacious Empires and kingdomes being so manie, and so farre diuided one from another, are like the members of a monstrous bodie, tyed together with cables onlie For take away the trafique of vnnecessarie commodities transported out of Spaine: those huge countries of the Indies hauing no common linke of affinity, lawe, language, or religion, and being of themselues able to maintaine themselues without forreine commerce, are not so simple, as not to know their owne strength, and to finde, that they doe rather possesse Spaniardes, then that they are possessed by them. He cannot be ignorant that Spaine it self is on all sides enuironed with many puisant enemies, mighty & great princes, who knowing it to be rich without men, confident without reason, proud & aduenturous without means sufficient; may happelie confederate to chastise him, as an insolent intruder, and disturber of all quietnesse; and going no farther then Spaine it selfe, may euen there shake the foundation of his long contriued deuises, and in one act redeeme the time, controll his aspiring humor, and breake the bandes in sunder, that import seruitude, and subuersion to all the dominions of Christendome. Againe, his counsell may well informe him, that to dispeople and disable himselfe at home, in hope to obtaine the Guiana, being a countrey strong of it selfe, and defended with infinite multitudes of Indian enemies, being rich, and by the inhabitantes offered vnto the English: his contempt towards vs would seeme so intollerable and despightfull as might be sufficient to prouoke vs, though otherwise we had no such inclination; if he vnprouided of able helpes to effect it, should rest himselfe on a carelesse presumption, that we cannot, we dare not we will not stirre in a matter that promiseth vs so great benefite, and may so highlie offend him. He may be perswaded, that to leaue no other succour or saftie to his nakednes, but the olde, stale practise of spreading rumours, and giuing out false intelligence of preparations to inuade England, thereby to keepe vs at home; or els of hyring and suborning some Machauilian vnder hand by secrete conueyance, to stop the course of our proceedings; or lastlie, of procuring some wilde outlaw to disquiet our tranquilitie; is but a poore, weake, and vncertaine staie to vphold his estate by. And yet setting such like driftes aside: what can be imagined likelie to hinder vs from preuailing in the Guiana, rather then him, whose disaduantage it is to be encombred with the self same, and manifold more impedimentes, then can any way bee supposed, with good cause to impeach, or diuorce vs from so profitable an attempt? All this notwithstanding, if the Spanish king not being able to dissemble his desire, or beare the losse of this one kingdome; putting himselfe out of his strength at home, and exposing his people to the hazarde of all casualties abroad, be resolued whatsoeuer shall happen, not to relinquish the Guiana, but to keep this one Iron more in the fire, on no other assurance, but a peremptorie disdaine of preuention: If he appeare so eagerlie bent for the Guiana, as if it were enacted for a lawe amongst themselues, Viis & modis to thrust for it and not to heare, conceiue, or beleeue anie thing, that may disswade or deter them from the conquest thereof: It then appertayneth vnto vs, not to inforce those obiections against our selues, which he with lesse reason reiecteth, as friuolous; since by how much the more earnest hee is in following this purpose: by so much the lesse cause haue we to be diuerted from it. To such as shall bee willing farther to wade in this argument; fos breuities sake, I doe propose onlie this bare assertion: that England & the Guiana conioyned, are stronger, and more easilie defended, then if England alone, should repose her selfe on her owne force, and poerfulnesse. The reasons that might be inferred to prooue this, need no rationall discourse: they are all intimated in the onlie example of Spaine it selfe; which without the Indies, is but a purse without money, or a painted sheath without a dagger. In sum: it seemeth vnto me that whereas the difficultie of performing this enterprise, hath bene produced for a discouragment: it were a dull conceipt of strange weaknes in our selues, to distrust our own power so much; or at least, our owne hearts and courages; as valewing the Spanish nation to be omnipotent; or yeelding that the poore Portugall hath that maistering spirite, and conquering industrie, aboue vs; as to be able to seat himselfe amongst the manie mighty princes of the East Indies, to frontier China, to holde in subiection the Philippines, Zeilan, Calecut, Goa, Ormus, Mozambique, and the rest; the nauigation being so tedious and full of perill: to suffer our selues to be put backe for worthlesse cyphers, out of place, without account. All which Regions being now also by the late conquest of Portugall, entituled to the Spanish king: to whome the Colenies of those partes doe yet generallie refuse to sweare fealtie and allegeance: and the care depending on him, not onlie of gouerning them in the East, so farre off; but also of ordering and strengthening of those disvnited, scattered, and ill guarded Empires and prouinces in the West: It might verie well be alleadged to the said Spanish king, that it were more wisedome for him to assure and fortifie some part of those already gotten then to begin the conquest of Guiana, so farre seperate from the rest of his Indies: in which he hath had so manie misfortunes, and against whome the naturall people are so impetuouslie

bent and opposed: were it not, that it exceedeth all the rest in aboundance of gold, and other riches. The case then so standing: is it not meere wretchednesse in vs, to spend our time breake our sleep, and waste our braines, in contriuing a cauelling false title to defraude a neighbour of halfe an  kor of land: whereas here whole shyeres of fruitfull rich groundes lying now waste for want of people, doe prostitute themselues vnto vs like a faire and beautifull woman, in the pride and flower of desired yeares?

If we doe but consider, howe vnhappelie Berreo his affaires, with his assistats haue of late years, in our own knowledge succeeded: who can say, if the hand of the Almighty be not against them, and that he hath a work in this place, in steed of Papistrie to make the syncere light of his Gospell to shine on this people? The effecting whereof shall bee a royall crowne of euerlasting remembrance to all other blessings, that from the beginning, the Lord hath plentifullie poured on our dread Soueraigne, in an eminent, and supreame degree of all perfection. If the Castilians pretending a religious care of planting Christianitie in those partes, haue in their doings preached nought els but auarice, rapine, blood, death, and destruction to those naked, sheeplike creatures of God; erecting Statues and Trophees of victorie vnto themselues, in the slaughters of millions of Innocents: doth not the crie of the poore succourlesse ascend vnto the heauens? Hath God forgotten to be gracious vnto the workmanship of his owne hands? or shall not his[13] iudgementes in a day of visitation by the ministerie of his   chosen seruant, come on these bloodthirstie butchers, like raine into a fleece of wooll? Aliquando manifesta, aliquando  cculta: semper iusta sunt Dei iudicia.

To leaue this digression. It is fit onelie for a Prince to beginne, and ende this worke: the maintenance and ordering thereof requireth Soueraigne power, authoritie and commandement. The riuer of Raleana giueth open and

free passage, anie prouision that the Spaniard can make to the contrarie, notwithstanding; (for once yearelie the lands neere the riuer be all drowned) to conuey men, horse, munition, and victuall for anie power of men, that shall be sent thither.

I doe speake it on my soules health as the best testimony, that I can in any cause yeeld, to auerre a trueth, that hauing now the second time bene in this countrie, & with the helps of time, and leisure well aduised my selfe vpon all circumstances to be thought on; I can discerne no sufficient impediment to the contrarie, but that with a competent number of men, her Maiestie may to her and her successors, enioy this rich and great empire: and hauing once planted there, may for euer (by the fauour of God) hold and keepe it, Contra Iudaeos & Gentes. Subiects, I doubt not, may through her Maiesties gracious sufferance, ioyning their strength together, inuade, spoile, and ouerrunne it, returning with golde and great riches. But what good of perpetuitie can followe thereof? Or who can hope that they will take any other course, then such, as tendeth to a priuate and present benefite; considering that an Empire once obtained, is of congruitie, how, and wheresoeuer the charge shall grow, to be annexed vnto the Crowne? The riches of this place are not fit for anie priuate estate: no question, they wil rather proue sufficient to crosse, and counteruaile the Spaniard his proceedings in all partes of Christendome, where his money maketh way to his ambition.

If the necessitie of following this enterprise do nothing vrge vs, because in some case better a mischiefe, then an inconuenience: let the conueniencie thereof somewat mooue vs, in respect both of so manie Gentlemen, souldiours, and younger brothers, who, if they for want of imployment, doe not die like cloyed cattell in ranck easefulnesse; are inforced for maintenance sake, sometimes to take shamefull and vnlawfull courses: and in respect of so manie handicraftsmen

hauing able bodies, that doe liue in cleannesse of teeth, and pouertie. To sacrifice the children of the common weale vnto Beliall, is not to defile the land with blood, because the law of God doth not prohibit it, and the execution of iustice requireth it to bee so: but yet if the waterboughes, that sucke and feed on the iuice, and nourishment that the fruitfull branches should liue by, are to be cut down from the tree, and not regarded: luckie, and prosperous be that right hand, that shal plant and possesse with a soyle, where they may fructifie, increase, and growe to good: thrise honourable and blessed be the memorie of so charitable a deed, from one generation to another.

To conclude. Your Lordsh. hath paid for the Discouery and search, both in your owne person, and since by me. You haue framed it, and moulded it readie for her Maiestie: to set on her seale. If either enuie or ignorance, or other deuise frustrate the rest, the good which shall growe to our enemies, and the losse which will come to her Maiestie and this kingdome, will after a fewe yeares shewe it selfe. Wee haue more people, more shippes, and better meanes, and yet doe nothing. The Spanish king hath had so sweete a taste of the riches thereof, as notwithstanding that hee is Lord of so manie Empires and kingdomes alreadie, notwithstanding his enterprises of Fraunce and Flaunders, notwithstanding that hee attended this yeare a home inuasion: yet he sent twentie eight saile to Trinidado, whereof ten were for that place, and Guiana, and had some other shippes readie at Cades, if the same had not beene by my Lord, her Maiesties Generall and your Lordship set on fyre.

In one word. The time serueth, the like occasion seldome happeneth in manie ages, the former repeated considerations doe all iointlie together importune vs, nowe, or neuer to make our selues rich, our posteritie happie, our Prince euerie way stronger the our enemies, and to establish

our Countrey in a state flourishing and peaceable. O lett not then such an indignitie rest on vs, as to depraue so notable an enterprise with false rumors, and vaine suppositions, to sleepe in so serious a matter, and renouncing the honour, strength, wealth, and soueraingtie of so famous conquest, to leaue all vnto the Spaniard.

A Table of the names of the Riuers, Townes, and Cassiques or Captaines that in this second Voyage discouered.

 

	Riuers.	Nations.	Townes	Captain.
1	Arrowari great.	Arwaos Pararweas. Charibes.			1 These are enemies to the Iaos, their money is of white and greene stones. They speak the Tiuitiuas language: so likewise doe the nation of the Arricarri, who haue greater store of those moneyes then any others.
2	Iwaripoco. very great.	Mapurwanas.  aos.			2 Here it was, as it semeth, that Vincent Piuzon, the Spaniard, had his Emeralds. In one of these two riuers, certain French me that suffered shipwrack some two or three yeares since, do liue.
3	Maipari g.	Arricarri.			3. 4. 5. These with the other 2 seem to be branches of the great riuer of Amazones. When wee first fell with land, wee were, by the Indians report, but one dayes iorney from the greatest riuer, that is on that coast.
4	Caipurogh. g.	Arricurri.
5	Arcooa. g	Marowannas. Cha.
6	Wiapoco. g	Coonoracki Wacacoia. Wariseaco. Charib.			6 The first mountains that appear within land doe lie on the East side of this riuer. From the mouth thereof, the inhabitants do passe with their Canoas in twenty daies to the salt lake, where Manoa standeth. The water hath manie Cateractes like Caroli, but that they are of greater distance one fro another. where it falles into the sea, hilles doe inclose it, on both sides.
7	Wanari.
8	Capurwacka. g.	Charibes.
9	Cawo. g.	Iaos.	Ico omana.	Wareo.
10	Wia. g.	Maworia. Charib.	Paramona. g.	Mashwipo	10 The Freshet shoots out into the sea, with great force: the sea doth here sometimes campe high, and breake, as if it were full of rockes. but in prooffe it is nothing els but the pride and force of the tydes. In this baye, and round about, so farre as the mountaines doe extend there is great store of Brasill wood, some of it bearing far darker collour then other some. Here are also manie sortes of other good woods.
11	Caiane. g. Gowateri: a great Iland	Wiaco. Ch. Shebaios.	Canawi, g Orinikero.	Parawatteo.
12	Macuria.	Piraos. Ch.
13	Cawro ra	Arawaccos Charib.
14	Manmanuri.	Ipaios. Ch.			14 These speake the language of the Indians of Dominicae. They are but few, but verie cruell to their enemies. For they bind, and eat them aliue peece-meale. This torment is not comparable to the dedlie pains that commeth of hurtes, or woundes, made by those arrowes that ar inuenomed with the iuice of the hearbe Wapototo. These Indians because they eat the whom they kill, vse no poyson. The sea coast is no where populous, for they haue much wasted themselues in mutuall warres. But now in all partes so farre as Orenoque, they liue in league and peace.
15	Cureey.	Shebaios.
16	Curassawini.	Shebaios.	Musswara. g.	Ocapanio.
17	Cunanama.	Iaos. Arwaccas.	Waritappi. g	Carinamari. Curipotoore.
18	Uracco.	Arwaccas.		Marwabo.
	Moruga.	Arwaccas.		Eramacoa.
19	Mawari.	Winicinas Arwaccas.	Iwanama.	Atanacoa.
20	Mawarpari.	Arwaccas.	Awaricana.	Mahahonero.
21	Amonna. very great Capeleppo. g.	Charibes.	Iaremappo very great.		21 Nere the head of this riuer, Capeleppo falleth out of the plaines, & runneth into the sea with Cu itini. Some of the Guianians liue in this riuer.
22	Marawini. g.	Paracuttos
23	Owcowi.
24	Wiawiami
25	Aramatappo.
26	Wiapo.
27	Macuruma.
28	Carapi.
29	Vraca.				29. This riuer, as also most of the rest, is not nauigable aboue six daies iourney by reason of rockes. It is ten daies iorney to the heade, where the Guianians do dwel Honey, yarne of Cotton, Silke, Balsamum, and Brasill beddes are hereto bee had in plentie, and so all the coast alongst Eastwarde. Some Images of Golde, spleenestones, and others, may bee gotten on this coast, but they doe somewhat extraordinariliy esteeme of them, because euery where they are current money. They get their Moones, and other peeces of gold by exchange, taking for ech one of their greater Canoas, one peece or image of golde, with three heads, and after that rate for their lesser Canoas, they receiue peeces of golde of lesse value. One hatchet is the ordinary price for a Canoa They haue euery where diuers sortes of drugges, Gummes, & rootes which I doubt[14], not by father trial, will be found medicinable Names of poysoned hearbes. Ourari. Carassi. Apa eepo. Parapara. Hea be  good against poyson. Turara. Cutarapama. Wapo. Macatto. The 29. day of Iune we arriued in Portland Roade, hauing spente fiue moneths in going, staying, and returning.
30	Chaimawinini. g.	Carepini. Charib.
31	Ecrowio.
32	Pawro.	Vpotommas. Arwaccas.	Maripomma.	Caponaiarie.
33	Shurinama. g.	Carepini. Cha.
34	Shurama. g.	Carepini. Cha.	Cupari.
35	Northubriae, or Cupanama. very g	Arwaccas.
36	Wioma.
37	Cushwini.	Neekcari.	Tawrooromene	Neperwari.
38	Inana. g.
39	Curitini. g	Carepini. Arwaccas. Parawianni	Owaripoore. Mawronama. Maiapoore Cariwacka. Aneta. Manacobeece.
40	Winitwari. g.		Eppera. Parawiannos.
41	Berbice. g.	Arwaccas.	Lupulee.	Warawaroco.
42	Wapari.	Shebaios. Arwaccas.	Madewini.	Benmurwagh.
43	Maicawini.	Panapi.  rw ccas.	Itewee.	Caporaco. great Cap.
44	Mahawaica.	Arwaccas.	Ma uresa g
45	e. g.	wacawaios. Arwaccas.	Maburesa. g
46	Deuoritia, or Dessekebe. very g. Matorooni. Coowini. Chipanama. Arawanna. Itorebece.	Iaos. Shebaios. Arwaccas. Char bes. Maripai. wocowaios Parawianni Iwarwackeri.
47	Pawrooma. g. Aripacoro. Ecawini. Manuriwini.	Iaos. Panipi.	Caiaremappo. waroopana Maripa. Chiparipa o. Towtwi. Sarinbugh. Wariwagh.	Macapowa. Shuracoima.
48	Moruga. g. Piara. Chaimeragoro.	Iaos. Arwaccas.	Cooparoore. g. Awiapati. Topoo.	Manare cowa. Iarwarema
49	Waini. g.	Charibes.	Tocoopoima. g.	Parana,
50	Barima. g. Caitooma. Arooca.	Charibes. Arwaccas.	Pekwa. g Arwakima	Anawra. Aparwa. Arracurri.
51	Amacur. g.
52	Aratoori. g. Cawrooma. g. Raleana, or Orenoque. Maipar Itacaponea Owarecapater. Warucanasso.	Ilandes in mouth of Raleana.

Heere followe the names, of those worthie Spaniardes that haue sought to discouer and conquere Guiana: Extracted out of the writinges of Iuan de Castellanos clerigo, who compiled the booke, intituled, Primera parte de las Elegias de varones illustres de Indias.

1 THe enterprise of Guiana was vndertaken by Diego de Ordas of the kingdom of Leon, in the yeare, 1531. He was one of the Captaines of Cortes in the conquest of Mexico. This Ordas made his entrance by the riuer of Amana, by which we entered, and spent fiftie dayes before hee came to the riuer of Orenoque, which we past in fifteene. Hee named the riuer by which he entred Viapari; which name it still retaineth in the Spanish descriptions. It lieth South from Trinidado some fiue leagues. He transported out of Spaine a thousand souldiours. He dyed afterwardes at sea, in returning for Spaine.

2 I an Gorteso arriued at the riuer of Amazones or Oreliano with three hundred men: Hee marched vp into the countrey. But neither he, nor any of his companie did returne againe.

3 Gaspar de Sylua, with his two brothers, departed from Tenerife, accompanied with 200. men, to assist Diego de Ordas. They sought El Dorado by the riuer of Amazones: but staying there a short time, they fell down to Trinidado, where they all three were buried.

4 Iuan Gonzales set saile from Trinidado to discouer the Guiana. He reposed himselfe more on the faith of his guides the on his small number of men He by triall found the confines of Guiana, so far as he entred, to be populous, plentiful of victuall, & rich in gold. Vpon such proofes as he brought with him to make good his report: manie others aduentured to follow his steps.

5. 6. Philip de Vren,and after him Pedro de Limpias,who both successiuelie commaunded the Almaines, were leaders in this action. Limpias was slaine by an Indian Cassique named Porima.

7 Ieronimo de Ortall vndetrooke it by the way of Marecupana. After great trauell and his substance all spent, he dyed on the sudden at S. Domingo.

8. 9. Ximenes,brother of Don Ximenes de Quesidathe Lantado, and Pedro de Osuq, were both at sundrie times in the same quest.

10 Father Iala, a Frier, taking with him onelie one companion, and some Indian guides passed into the prouinces of Guiana. He returned with good intelligence, & brought with him Eagles, Idols, and other iewels of golde. An. 1560. He assayed the second time to passe in like maner, but was slaine by the Indians.

11 Hernandes de Serpa also vndertooke it. The Indians of Cumanawgoto killed him, and defeated his Armie.

12 Afterwards, Diego de Uargas, and his sonne Don Iuan followed this enterprise, and at their first setting out, were slaine by the Indians.

13 Caceres vndertooke this discouerie from Nueuo Reino de Granada. He came no neerer to it the Matachines, which borders vpon the said kingdom of Granada: He rested there and peopled that place.

14 It was also attempted by Alonzo de Herera, at two seuerall times. He endured great miserie, but neuer entred one league into the countrey. He sought it by Wiapari, or Amana, and was at last slaine by a nation of Indians called  aguas.

15 It was also vndertaken by Antonio Sedenno, with who Herera and Augustine Delgado ioyned in the conquest of Trinidado, against Bawcunar a famous king of that place. He passed by Marecupana in the yeare 1536. to discouer El Dorado with 500. chosen men. In this iourny he got much gold and tooke manie Indian prisoners; whome he manacled in yrons, manie of them died as they were led in the way. The Tygres being fleshed on those dead carkasses, assaulted the Spaniards, who with much trouble hardlie defended themselues from them. Sedenno was buried within the precinct of the Empire neere the head of the riuer Tinados. Most of his people perished likewise.

16 Augustine Delgado searched the country to the southward of Cumanawgoto with 53. footmen and three horsmen. The warres that were then between the Indians of the vale, and those of the mountaines, serued well for his purpose. By which occasion he found meanes to passe so farre vntill hee came to an Indian Cassique, named Garamentall, who entertained him with al kindnes. And gaue him for a present some rich iewels of gold: six seemlie Pages: ten young slaues, and three Nymphes verie beautifull, which bore the names of three prouinces from whence they were sent to Garamental, cheife Commander of all that countrey. Their names were, Guanba, Gotoguane, and Matarare. These prouinces are of an excellent temperature, verie healthful, and haue an admirable influence in producing beautifull women. The Spaniards afterwards to requite the manifold curtesies that they receiued in that countrey, tooke and caried away besides all the gold that they could get, al the Indians that they could lay hold on: they conueyed them in yrons to Cubagua and solde them for slaues. Delgado afterwards was shot in the eie by an Indian: of which hurt he died.

17 Diego de Losada, succeeded in his brothers place. Hee had manie more men; who in the end wasted themselues in mutinies: those that liued returned to Cubugua.

18 Reynoso vndertooke this iourney: but hauing endured exceeding troubles, in the discomfort of his minde, hee gaue it ouer and was buried in Hispaniola.

19 Pedro de Ursua, in the yeare 1560. sought it with 400 Spaniards, by the riuer Oreliano. He imbarqued his men in the country of the Moti ones. As they passed downe the riuer, they found Synamon trees. His men murdered him and afterward the said rebels beheaded Lady Anes his wife, who forsooke not her Lord in all his trauels vnto death.

20 Fryer Francis Montesinos, was in the prouince of Marecupana with 100. souldiors bound for the Guiana, when Lope Aguirri the Tyrant made insurrection in all those partes of the Indies. What became of this intended iourney is not expressed.

In the discouerie of Guiana, you may read both of Oreliano, who discouered the riuer of Amazones An. 1510. and of Berreo, with others that haue trode this maze, and lost them selues in seeking to find this countrie.
An aduertisment to the Reader.

IN this Breuiarie, the names onlie are comprised of such as being led with the generall fame of Guiana, haue endeuoured to discouer & possesse it. The whole histories are long and cannot suddenlie be translated, or Englished at large, as we in these Elegies find them. It may perhaps seeme strange and incredible, that so manie Caualeros should all faile in this one attempt, since in many partes of the Indies, far smaller numbers in shorter time haue performed as great matters, and subdued mightie Kingdoms: I haue therefore thought it good, here to alleadge those reasons, which by circumstance may be gathered to haue beene chief impediments to the Spaniard in this intended search & conquest.

The first may be the remotenesse or distance of their places of Rondevow, from the Dorado: which appeare to be foure, Nueuo Reyno: the mouth of Amazones or Oreliano. Cubagua, or the coast of the Carackas: & Trinidado.

1. From Moisbanda,where Orelianohath his head-spring to his mouth the Spaniards account it 2000. leagues. Raleana riseth neere the saide mountaines in Moiabanda, and tributeth his waters to the sea, not farre from the other: Guiana is enuironed with these two fresh water seas, wher their distance is greatest from their risinges, and is besides guarded with impassable mountains, which in close & defend it on al partes, excepting Topiawaries country. It is no maruel then, if the vigor, heat, & life of those Spaniards, who sought it from Nueuo Reyno, were allayed and spent, before they came nere it in those long, desolate, and vncomfortable waies.
2. From Cubaguato seek it by sea, in vessels of any burthen, is a worke of farre greater labour, then to saile directly from Spaine.And to passe

ouerland is a matter of great difficultie, by reason that the Indian Nations inhabiting between the coast of the Carackas and Guiana, being wearied and harried with the daylie incursions of the Spaniards, haue now turned their abused patience into furie, refusing to suffer any forces of men to be led through their countries. For the Spaniards trauelling in those parts, when they found not golde answerable to their expectation, ouerlaid them with cruelties, tyrannie, and thraldom: forbearing neither men, women friends, nor foes. Which maner of dealing, though in some sort it satisfied their desire of present profit: yet hath it otherwise done them much harme in hardening and driuing those nations to desperate resolutions.

3 From the mouth of Oreliano to seeke entrance with any number of men, and to bore a hole through the mountaines, is all one. Neither find we, that any seeking it that way, haue at anie time boasted of their gaines or pleasurable iourneyes.

4 From Trinidado as the course is shortest: so doth it promise best likelihood of successe. Howbeit, impossible it is with any vessell of ordinarie burthen by that way to recouer the riuer of Raleana.

The second. The Spaniards haue bene so far from furthering and helping on another, or admitting partners or coadiutors in the Guiana cause that amongst so many attempts, from the beginning to the last, I cannot find any one, when they were otherwise likliest to preuaile, free from discords, mutinies, and cruel murders amongst themselues.

Thirdly. The Spaniards in this place haue mist that aduantage, which els where hath steeded them in all their conquests: namelie, the dissentitions and mutuall warres of the Indians amongst themselues, Which of what force it is, may be gathered by the example of A awcania in Peru. For the Indians of that one prouince containing in circuit not aboue 20. leagues, haue maintained warres aboue these 30. yeares, against all the Spaniards, and in despight of them haue kept their own countrie, oftentimes discomforting their enemies in many set battayles, burning & destroying some of their strongest townes. The chiefe reason wherof I take to be, because no Indian nation was enemy vnto them. And howsoeuer the Spaniards vaunt of their redoubted exploits in the Indies: yet do their owne writings in effect testifie, that without the aid of the Indians diuided amongst rhemselues, Mexico, Peru, and the rest, had neuer bene Spanish.

Lastly. I can impute it to no cause so rightly, as immediately to the diuine prouidence. For by him princes raigne. And in my beleefe (except we will looke to be warned by miracle from heauen,) we need no farther assurances, then we already haue to perswade our selues that it hath pleased our God of his infinit goodnesse, in his will and purpose to appoint and reserue this Empire for vs.

 

FINIS.

 

 

Kemys, Lawrence,d.1618. A Relation of the Second Voyage to Guiana. Perfourmed and Written in the Yeare 1596. by Lawrence Kemys, Gent. London, By Thomas Dawson, dwelling at the three Cranes in the Vintree, and are to be solde, 1596. ProQuest. 23 Nov. 2019 .

[1] Pericles [author’s marginal note]

[2] Note intended audience for this passage, royalty, ships, literate and those allowed to travel  [editorial note]

[3] In June last [author’s marginal note]

[4] Note mention of travel to Peru, historical context; reference to events in relation to Spain, the crown [editorial note]

[5] Note common theme reinforcing values at the time for the reader, Spanish conquest for gold [editorial note]

[6] Brasil wood [author’s marginal note]

[7] In September [author’s marginal note]

[8] This Spaniard vnderstandeth the Guiana language, and is reputed a very sufficient man [author’s marginal note]

[9] Note the common word Indian to describe the native inhabitants of the Americas at that point in time [editorial note]

[10] Her Maiestie [author’s marginal note]

[11] They haue eminent heads like dos, & lieu all day time in the sea they speake the Charies language [author’s marginal note]

[12] Topiawarie his sonne [author’s marginal note]

[13] Maie [author’s marginal note]

[14] So called after the name of the right ho. the Earle of Essex  [author’s marginal note]